Petroleum waste turned billion dollar industry - a history of synthetic food dyes
Last week I chatted with some retired oil men about the 1960s in the oil and gas industry in Calgary. One of the men reminded me that at that time, there was no shortage of oil but there was a shortage of uses for it. He said that entire departments were created to find new ways to use oil in our society, to turn their waste into profit. This idea converged with another topic that I find endlessly fascinating, the history of synthetic food dyes. Most people don't realize food dye is made from crude oil, and now we know how that came to be. So I set out to find out more about the history of the creation of food dye, and its birth surprised me as it was political right from the very start.
The great transformation of our food supply began in the
corridors of power in Washington, D.C., at a moment when a handful of powerful oil
companies were quietly looking for new ways to profit.
Behind the scenes, major oil companies—flush with crude but facing a nagging
glut of gasoline and slowing demand at the pump—were already hunting for
surprising new places to put their refinery byproducts. The colorful,
long-lasting food that fills the grocery store today is a direct legacy of two
critical laws passed at the dawn of the 1960s: the Food Additives
Amendment of 1958 and the Color Additive Amendments of 1960.
After WWII, the American food industry was booming. New
processed "convenience" foods needed new chemicals to look appealing
and stay fresh indefinitely. However, the existing law, the 1938 Food, Drug,
and Cosmetic Act, was ill-equipped to handle this explosion of new ingredients,
which often entered the market without any pre-market safety testing from the
FDA.
Enter Congressman James Delaney, a Democrat from New
York. Concerned by the unregulated flood of chemicals into food, he chaired a
select committee to investigate food safety. His findings were alarming, and he
championed a clause that would bear his name, which became a central part of
the 1958 Food Additives Amendment. This "Delaney Clause" was a
seemingly ironclad provision stating no additive found to cause cancer in
humans or animals could ever be approved for use in food. On the surface, it
was a landmark consumer protection.
But industry had other ideas. The key figure in delivering
their wishes was Congressman Oren Harris of Arkansas. As the powerful
chairman of the House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Harris was
the gatekeeper for all legislation affecting commerce, communications, and
critically, the oil and gas industries. It was under his watch that both
the 1958 and 1960 bills were shaped.
Here is where the deception began. To get the industry to
accept the stringent Delaney Clause, a massive, deliberate loophole was
inserted into the 1958 amendment: the "Generally Recognized As Safe"
or GRAS designation. Under GRAS, a manufacturer could unilaterally
"recognize" its own new chemical additive as safe for human
consumption using its own, often unpublished, data. They were not required to
inform the FDA or seek any federal approval.
Two years later, the Color Additive Amendments of 1960 sealed
the deal. While ostensibly creating a pre-market approval process for dyes, the
1960 act quietly incentivized synthetic colors by creating a legal pathway for
them to be permanently listed for use. More importantly, it shifted the
entire burden of proving a chemical safe onto the industry. Rather than being a
neutral regulator, the FDA was now in a position of reacting to manufacturers'
claims—with no authority to proactively test new chemicals before they entered
the food supply.
With these laws in place, the stage was set. As the 1960s
began, major oil companies faced a crisis of overproduction and slowing demand
for gasoline. They aggressively diversified into the booming petrochemical
business. This provided them with a vast, cheap, and previously underutilized
stream of chemical byproducts from refining crude oil, such as toluene and benzene.
These byproducts were the perfect raw materials to feed the new food additive
market.
Sodium Benzoate, the first preservative ever approved
by the FDA, is a perfect example. It is typically manufactured from toluene,
a chemical derived directly from crude oil. Today, it is a staple in soda,
fruit juice, and countless processed foods, ensuring your products can sit on a
shelf for months or years without spoiling.
Synthetic food dyes like Red 40 (Allura Red) and Yellow 5
(Tartrazine). These brightly colored chemicals—now ubiquitous in children's
medicine, cereals, candies, and sodas—are not born in a kitchen. They are
synthesized from naphtha, a volatile liquid distilled directly from
crude oil. Naphtha is the same raw feedstock used to make gasoline and
plastics. Yet, the petrochemical industry learned to refine this industrial
starter fluid into an additive no one thinks twice about.
This regulatory coup was extraordinarily profitable for the
petrochemical industry. The new laws allowed them to profit from waste, turning
low-cost refinery leftovers into high-margin specialty chemicals. While exact
profit breakdowns are hard to isolate, the chemical industry's net profits in
the early 1960s were reported at over $2 billion annually—a significant
figure that heavily incentivized further research and development of new
petroleum-based additives.
By 1960, the foundation of our modern, ultra-processed food
system had been poured. Congressmen like James Delaney and Oren Harris, while
operating on different sides of the issue, together forged a legal framework
that was deeply co-opted by the industries it was meant to regulate. It
prioritized a cheap, abundant, and visually appealing supply of food over a
rigorously tested one and cynically placed the burden of proof on a public that
had no idea what was being done in their name. Today, as the FDA slowly phases
out six petroleum-derived dyes, the long, strange trip of the oil industry into
our food supply may be coming to an end in America. Canada, slow to the uptick,
has no plans to follow suit but this may change in the coming years.


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